Welcome to the abattoir -- a nation where a man can walk
into a store and buy an assault rifle, a shotgun, a couple of Glocks;
where in the comfort of his darkened living room, windows blocked from
the sunlight, he can rig a series of bombs unperturbed and buy thousands
of rounds of ammo on the Internet; where a movie theater can turn into a
killing floor at the midnight hour.
We know about all of this. We know because the weekend of July 20th
became all-Aurora-all-the-time, a round-the-clock engorgement of TV news
reports, replete with massacre theme music, an endless loop of victims,
their loved ones, eyewitness accounts, cell-phone video, police
briefings, informal memorials, and “healing,” all washed down with a
presidential visit and hour upon hour of anchor and “expert”
speculation. We know this because within a few days a Google search for
“Aurora movie shootings” produced over 200 million hits referencing the
massacre that left 70-plus casualties, including 12 fatalities.
We know a lot less about Anaheim and the killing of Manuel Angel
Diaz, shot in the back and in the head by that city’s police just a few
short hours after the awful Aurora murders.
But to the people living near La Palma Avenue and North Anna Drive,
the shooting of Manuel Diaz was all too familiar: it was the sixth,
seventh, or eighth police shooting in Anaheim, California, since the
beginning of 2012. (No one seems quite sure of the exact count, though
the Orange County District Attorney’s office
claims six shootings, five fatalities.)
Diaz, 25, and as far as police are concerned, a “
documented gang member,” was unarmed. He was apparently running when he was shot in the back and
left to lie
on the ground bleeding to death as police moved witnesses away from the
scene. “He’s alive, man, call a cop!” a man shouted at the police. “Why
would you guys shoot him in the head?” a woman demanded.
“Get back,” officers repeatedly said, pushing mothers and youngsters
away from the scene, which they surrounded with yellow crime-scene tape.
Neighborhood residents gathered on lawns along the street, upset at
what had happened near their homes, upset at what has been occurring
repeatedly in Anaheim. Then, police, seeking to disperse the crowd,
began firing what appeared to be rubber bullets and bean bag rounds
directly at those women and children, among others. Screaming chaos
ensued. A police dog was unleashed and lunged for a toddler in a
stroller. A mother and father, seeking to protect their child, were
themselves attacked by the dog.
We know this because a local CBS affiliate, KCAL,
broadcast
footage of the attack. We know it because cell phone video, which
police at the scene sought to buy, according to KCAL, showed it in all
its stark and sudden brutality. We know it also because neighbors
immediately began to organize. On Sunday they demonstrated at police
headquarters, demanding answers. “No justice, no peace,” they
chanted.
Who Is Being Killed and in What Numbers?
This is daily life in less suburban, less white America. On Sunday,
when the first of growing daily protests took place, Anaheim police
shot and killed
another man running away, Joel Mathew Acevedo, 21. Acevedo was armed
and opened fired, police maintained -- yet another suspected gang
member.
It is not hyperbole to say this is virtually a daily routine in
America. It’s considered so humdrum, so much background noise, that it
is rarely reported beyond local newscasts and metro briefs. In the days
bracketing the Aurora massacre, San Francisco police
shot and killed mentally ill Pralith Pralourng; Tampa police
shot and killed Javon Neal, 16; an off-duty cop
shot Pierre Davis, 20, of Chicago; Miami-Dade police
shot and killed an unidentified “stalking suspect”; an off-duty FBI agent
shot an unnamed man in Queens; Kansas City police
shot and killed 58-year-old Danny L. Walsh; Lynn police and a Massachusetts state trooper
shot and killed Brandon Payne, 23, a father of three; Henderson police
shot and killed Andy Puente Soto, 42, out in the desert wastes near Las Vegas.
These are some of the anonymous dead. Their names are occasionally
afloat on seas of Internet data or in local news reports. Many are
young, even very young; many are people of color; many are wanted by the
police for one thing or another; some are crazy; some are armed; some,
like Manuel Diaz, are not.
In the end, though, we know remarkably little about these victims of
police action. The FBI, which annually tracks every two-bit break-in,
car theft, and felony, keeps no comprehensive records of incidents
involving police use of deadly force, nor are there comprehensive
national records that track what police officers do with their guns.
Because of that we have no sense of whether such killings are waxing or
waning, whether different cities present different threats, whether
increased use
of private security guards poses a greater or lesser danger to the
public, whether neighborhood watch groups are a blessing or a bane to
their neighborhoods. The Trayvon Martins of the world, who could perhaps
speak to that last point, are mute.
The FBI’s
Uniform Crime Report
does include a more limited category of “Justifiable Homicide by
Weapon, Law Enforcement,” defined as “the killing of a felon by a law
enforcement officer in the line of duty.” That figure has hovered around
400 annually for the last several years. (In 2010, it was 387, down
from 414 in 2009; in 2006, it was 386.)
Would Manuel Diaz fall into that category? Was he a felon? Can
running fit the bill for “justifiable homicide”? The FBI does list all
police officers killed while on duty, whether they are gunned down
deliberately by violent suspects or hit accidentally by a car. (In
2010, the FBI reported, 56 officers died “feloniously,” while 72 were
killed “accidentally.”) But the Manuel Diazes of America are not
included in the FBI data sets.
Ramarley Graham, 18,
followed and shot
by New York City police last February, is of little interest to FBI
statisticians. But the Graham killing, which has resulted in
manslaughter charges against a member of the NYPD, stirred numerous
protests in that city. Luther Brown Jr., killed by Stockton, California,
police in April, and James Rivera, killed by Stockton police two years
ago,
stirred
community protest as well. Would their names make the FBI list of
“justifiable homicide”? Who makes that judgment and on what basis?
The Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Statistics has been
compiling data on deaths of suspects following arrests, but the
information covers just 40 states and only includes arrest fatalities.
From January 2003 through December 2009, bureau statistics
show
4,813 deaths occurred during “an arrest or restraint process.” Of
those, 61% (2,931) were classified as homicides by law enforcement
personnel, 11% (541) as suicides, 11% (525) as due to intoxication, 6%
(272) as accidental injuries, and 5% (244) were attributed to natural
causes. About 42% of the dead were white, 32% were black, and 20% were
Hispanic.
Total gun deaths nationwide in 2010? 11,493,
according to the Centers for Disease Control.
Who Is At Risk?
The lack of authoritative and comprehensive national data on police
shootings and the reluctance of local law enforcement departments to
release information on the use of deadly force has sent researchers onto
the Internet searching for stories and anecdotal evidence. Newspapers
looking into the issue must painstakingly gather information and
documents from multiple agencies and courts to determine who is being
killed and why. One major recent independent effort by the
Las Vegas Review-Journal
in 2011 -- undertaken in the wake of community protests over two police
shootings in 2010 -- confirmed anecdotal evidence drawn from virtually
all major metropolitan areas. If you are a young man, a person of color,
and live in a poor urban area, you are far more likely to become a
victim of police gunfire than if you are none of those things.
The newspaper, which analyzed court cases, police data, and other documents,
determined
that there had been 378 victims of police gunfire in the Las Vegas area
since January 1990; 142 of the shootings were fatal. And deaths from
police gunfire, the paper found, had risen from two in 1990 to 31 in
2010.
Over the entire period of the study, the paper
found
that “blacks, less than 10 percent of Clark County's population,
account for about 30 percent of Las Vegas police shooting subjects.
Moreover, 18 percent of blacks shot at by police were unarmed.”
A joint study
carried out by the
Chicago Reporter
and the online news site Colorlines in 2007 determined that “about
9,500 people nationally were killed by police during the years 1980 to
2005 -- an average of nearly one fatal shooting per day.”
African-Americans “were overrepresented among police shooting victims in
every city” investigated (the nation’s 10 largest).
African-Americans would not be surprised by this finding; nor would
it come as a surprise to Hispanics to learn that they are increasingly
at risk of police gunfire. Bureau of Justice statistics show that 949
Hispanics suffered arrest-related deaths from 2003 to 2009 (out of the
total of 4,813 such deaths noted above). The numbers have bounced around
over the years, but are trending up from 109 in 2003 to 130 in 2009.
Certainly, the Latino community of Anaheim is
familiar
with this territory. Orange County and Anaheim authorities have
promised investigations of the two recent police shootings. The FBI is
reviewing the shootings and the U.S. Attorney’s office has agreed to
conduct an investigation at the request of Anaheim’s civilian
authorities. Those authorities -- the mayor and five-member city council
-- are all Anglo, while Hispanics constitute about 52% of that city's
336,000 residents. There is no civilian complaint review board in place
to conduct any probe of police actions, no independent group gathering
information over time. The family of Manuel Diaz has filed a federal
civil rights suit in the case and called for community calm as
protestors become increasingly restive.
“There is a racial and economic component to this shooting,”
said
Dana Douglas, a Diaz family attorney. “Police don’t roust white kids in
affluent neighborhoods who are just having a conversation. And those
kids have no reason to fear police. But young men with brown skin in
poor neighborhoods do. They are targeted by police.”
Post-9/11 Money Is No Help
The last decade, of course, has seen an
enormous flow
of federal counterterrorism money to local police and law enforcement
agencies. Since 9/11, the Department of Homeland Security has allocated
$30 to $40 billion to local police for all manner of training programs
and equipment upgrades. Other federal funding has also been freely
dispensed.
Yet for all the beefing up of post-9/11 visual surveillance,
communications, and Internet-monitoring capabilities, for all the easing
of laws governing searches and wiretaps, law enforcement authorities
failed to pick up on the multiple weapons purchases, the massive
Internet ammo buys, and the numerous package deliveries to the dark
apartment in the building on Paris Street where preparations for the
Aurora massacre took place for months.
Orange County, where Manuel Diaz lived, now has a
fleet
of seven armored vehicles. SWAT officers turn out in 30 to 40 pounds of
gear, including ballistic helmets, safety goggles, radio headsets with
microphones, bulletproof vests, flash bangs, smoke canisters, and loads
of ammunition. The Anaheim police and other area departments are
networked
by countywide Wi-Fi. They run their own intelligence collection and
dissemination center. They are linked to surveillance helicopters.
The feds have also anted up for extensive police training for Anaheim
officers. In fact, Anaheim and Orange County have received about $100
million from the federal government since 2002 to bring operations up to
twenty-first century speed in the age of terror. Yet for all that
money, training, and equipment, police still managed to shoot and kill a
running unarmed man in the back, just as NYPD officers
shot unarmed Liberian-born Amadou Diallo after chasing him up his Bronx apartment building steps in February of 1999.
Diallo was infamously shot 41 times after pulling his wallet from his
pocket, apparently to show identification. Police thought it was a gun.
The shooting precipitated national protests and acquittals in a
subsequent trial of the police officers involved. The year Diallo was
killed was also the year of the Columbine massacre, 20 miles from
Aurora. It seems like only last week.
Since that time the nation as a whole has become poorer and less
white, while police departments everywhere are building up their
capabilities and firepower with 9/11-related funding. Gun ownership of
almost any sort has been
cemented into our American world as a constitutional right and a
partial ban
on purchases of assault weapons lapsed in 2004, thanks to congressional
inaction. This combination of trends should make everyone uneasy.
Stephan Salisbury is cultural writer for the Philadelphia Inquirer
and a TomDispatch regular. His most recent book is Mohamed’s Ghosts: An American Story of Love and Fear in the Homeland.
To listen to Timothy MacBain's latest Tomcast audio interview in which
Salisbury discusses the lack of good numbers on police shootings and
why they are so poorly covered, click here or download it to your iPod here.
[
Note: Bureau of Justice Statistics data on the demographics of arrest-related deaths can be found by clicking
here.]
